The Sixth Schedule to the Constitutional (Amendment) Bill, 2007 was tabled in the parliament in the last week of November 2007. The overall aim of the bill on paper is to protect the socio-cultural identity of the people residing in Darjeeling hills and speeding up the overall development in the region. Majority of the people of Darjeeling hills, are however, skeptical with regard to the long-term political objective of the West Bengal in expediting the process of Sixth Schedule.
What is Sixth Schedule?
Evidently, the provisions under the Sixth Schedule to the Constitutions were historically evolved to administer the tribal majority areas in the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura through the district council or the regional councils. However, an exception was made in case of Bodo Territorial Council (BTC) located in the state of Assam when the area was accorded Sixth Schedule status even though the members of the Scheduled Tribe Communities were not in Majority and reportedly comprised only 38 per cent of the population of the area. Under the provisions of Sixth Schedule, the Councils are vested with legislative powers on specified subjects and are allotted certain sources of taxation. They are also given powers to set up and administer their system of justice and maintain administrative and welfare services in respect of land, revenue, forests, education, public health etc.
The application of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution has not been extended to any other State of India besides North-Eastern States. It is further clear that the whole concept of autonomous council has its root in the tribal dominated areas of North East where there historically existed tribal councils. Hence, its relevance in the non-tribal dominated areas like Darjeeling Hills is minimal. Darjeeling is a multi-ethnic region where people belonging to various caste, creed, and region have found places for themselves over the years. The region is a melting pot of ethnic diversity.
The Project of Sixth Schedule in Darjeeling Hills
As already highlighted above, Sixth Schedule was originally evolved by the framers of the Indian constitution for the socio-economic development of selected tribal dominated areas located in the North-East India. In this connection, a sample survey was conducted by the office of the Registrar General of India in October 2005. The survey found that the ST population constituted only 31.4 percent of the total population of the DGHC areas. Irrespective of such an uncongenial socio-cultural situation for Sixth Schedule provisions, the Government of West Bengal has been hell bent to get through its project of Sixth Schedule in the Darjeeling Hills in the last few months. The reasons behind the project may be debated in following lines-
First, provisions under the Sixth Schedule to be granted to Darjeeling Hills are the creation of West Bengal. The civil society members and intellectuals were not consulted during the time of its preparation. The lone representative of the people of Darjeeling hills was the care taker Subash Ghishing who has long been hypnotized by West Bengal and who has little ability to internalise the pros and cons of the anticipated Schedule. Consequently, West Bengal has evolved provisions under the said Schedule in such a way that the implementation of Sixth Schedule in Darjeeling hills will have little or no impact on its overall authority on the Darjeeling hills. Hence, if the Sixth Schedule gets through in the parliament, it is a win-win situation for West Bengal and a historic loss for the people of Darjeeling Hills.
Secondly, implementation of Sixth Schedule in Darjeeling Hills means opportunely obstructing the incoming way of a separate state of ‘Gorkhaland’ for at least 50 to 100 years. It will be a historic blunder that will bury the long cherished and aspired dream of the people of Darjeeling Hills. It will further go against the raison d’etre of the original Gorkhaland Movement that sacrificed several young souls and households of Darjeeling Hills. The people of Darjeeling hills should also take note of the fact that Sixth Schedule to the Bodo Territorial Council (BTC) has not ended the ethnic conflicts and development aspirations of the people of the said Council in Assam. It has not been able to fulfill the aspirations and requirements of the people so diverse in nature.
Parliamentary Standing Committee in Darjeeling
In view of the fragile situation in Darjeeling Hills and given the fact that there was a sizeable section in hills who were against inclusion of the areas there, under the Sixth Schedule of the constitution, several of the senior political leaders of West Bengal including the Chief Minister camped in New Delhi during the last week of November. They did this precisely to diplomatically and politically expedite the process of Sixth Schedule in the parliament. However, West Bengal had little knowledge that Darjeeling too has produced some of the intellectuals in the last 25 years with the ability to exercise diplomacy and can deal at the highest level of the country. Further, GNLF also knew that there are individuals produced by Darjeeling who can deal at a much higher level than its leaders.
As a result of the untiring effort of few farsighted and learned individuals of Darjeeling Hills, who dealt at the highest level of the country to convince the national political parties/leaders, policy planners and decision makers, the Centre decided to refer the Sixth Schedule Bill to the parliamentary standing committee. As expected, the decision came after the main Opposition BJP decided to oppose the bill if it was not referred to a Parliamentary Standing Committee. The Parliamentary Standing Committee members will now visit the hills of Darjeeling in the near future, discuss the issue with the people, civil society organisations and political parties and then give their opinion on whether the Bill is appropriate to be passed. The visit is expected within the next two months. It is now entirely on the general mass of Darjeeling Hills to decide what do they want. It is important for them to internalise the situation collectively and scientifically decide their future. The iron is hot and the issue is on the fore front yet again. The need of the hour for Darjeeling Hills is unity. There are enough reasons for the people of Darjeeling to enlighten why should they not settle for Sixth Schedule.
**Published by Sikkim Express, December 14, 2007**
Wednesday 12 December 2007
Tuesday 11 December 2007
Towards Women Empowerment in Sikkim
The idea of women empowerment has taken over the minds of increasing number of people in recent times. It is now widely employed in the press, on television, in political, academic and legal circles. Empowerment literally means 'becoming powerful'. It includes both control over resources (physical, human, intellectual, financial), and over ideology (beliefs, values and attitudes). Women's empowerment in general term refers to enabling women to stand on their own by providing them access to all kinds of freedoms and opportunities and also enhancing their position in the power structure of the society.
Sikkim has a women population of 252,276 sharing 46.7 per cent of the total population. The state has a sound track record of maintaining gender equality. The state government has consciously worked to consolidate this tradition of not discriminating on the basis of gender and giving due respect to both genders. The Gender related Development Index (GDI) in the state has steadily improved in the last one and half decade. Women in the state, unlike in other parts of the country are not secluded. The practice of dowry, sati and female infanticide are almost nonexistent and there is hardly any noticeable discrimination against the girl child in the society. Hence, women in Sikkim enjoy a comparatively better position than their counterparts in many mainstream states. Having said that, this piece attempts to briefly examine three important aspects of women's empowerment in terms of education, health and workforce participation.
First, education is a key to development and women empowerment. It is a dynamic force that influences physical, mental, emotional, racial and ethical development. Examination of literacy data in the state since 1951 highlights the fact that there has been significant increase in the gender gap between the periods of 1951-2001. The literacy gap between male and female increased from 10 per cent in 1951 to over 15 per cent in 2001. Today about 39 per cent the Sikkimese women are still illiterate. Further, the enrolment of girls in schools has always been lower than that of the boys. The dropout rate for girls has also been higher in Sikkim. This may be possibly due to relatively early age of marriage for girls and associated social responsibilities. According to Sikkim Human Development Report (2001), over 60 per cent of rural women and 70 per cent of urban women get married before they are 20 years old. Besides, girls in rural areas are mostly engaged in household activities such as fuel and fodder collection, fetching of water and sibling care. The parental indifference towards girl child due to economic reasons has also kept the girl children away from schools at many cases.
Second, good health is another important aspect of women's empowerment. Health, according to World Health Organisation (1948), is a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely an absence of disease or infirmity. The health of women has profound implication for socio-economic well-being of the society. Health standard has improved significantly in Sikkim over the last two decades. Along with the expansion of public health infrastructure, there has been a massive increase in the budgetary allocation over the years. Such developments in health sector have helped reduce the maternal and infant mortality rate. The infant mortality rate (IMR) was 49 per thousand in 2001 which was lower than all-India average of 68 per thousand. The IMR was, however, high in rural areas as compared to urban areas of the state. Poor delivery of health care services, low nutritional level and low literacy among women are some of the important reasons for high infant mortality rate in rural Sikkim. Low literacy among the female has a great impact on infant and child mortality rates. Deprivation of education not only affects the advancement of women but also negatively influences the state of nutrition, health and diseases. The challenge of nutritional security before the state is formidable. Anemia among the women is one of the major concerns for the government. Sikkim stands seventh in all India rank of women suffering from anaemia. It has 61.1 per cent of women with any anaemia. Among the north-eastern states, Sikkim has very high incidence of anaemia and stand only after the state of Meghalaya ( 63.3 per cent) and Arunachal Pradesh (62.5 percent).
Third, another important route to empower women is to make them economically independent. The social and political empowerment of women would be meaningless unless they are economically empowered. In order to widen their role beyond reproduction and child caring, women should be encouraged to take active part in economically productive role. In fact, the social status of women is greatly influenced by the extent of their participation in income generating activities. Women in Sikkim are in relatively better position as compared to women in many other parts of the country. The state government has reserved 30 percent of seats for women in public employment. In fact, in some of the government departments, women employees outnumber their male counterparts. At the state level, however, there are 57.6 per cent male workforce and 39.6 per cent female workforce indicating a fairly wide gender gap in workforce participation rate. There is a need to encourage women to take active participation in both public and private sectors. Female work participation not only increases their family income but also brings economic independence in the household. This helps them to participate more effectively in intra-household decision-making and have better access to information.
Lastly, the constitution of India provides for equal political and civil rights to both men and women. Women need to have equal opportunity to participate in decision making process at all levels. The representation of women in the Assembly and local bodies are not very satisfactory in Sikkim. Nonetheless, the representation of women is comparatively better at local level than their representation in the Assembly.
To conclude, in order to empower women socially, economically and politically a more integrated approach is required encompassing advocacy, access to resources & information, and capacity-building. Further, provisions for women component plan need to be seriously thought of. The government of India and some of the mainstream states have already started their gender budgeting exercise. We need to learn from them. Women should be considered as active stakeholders in all welfare programmes rather than mere beneficiaries. Women development should be given priority by recognizing their needs and potential as partners in development. The government should encourage women to organize Self Help Groups under various poverty alleviation programmes and offer them a range of economic options along with necessary support measures to enhance their capabilities.
*Durga P. Chettri was the second author in this article*
**Pubslished by Sikkim Express, August 8, 2007**
Sikkim has a women population of 252,276 sharing 46.7 per cent of the total population. The state has a sound track record of maintaining gender equality. The state government has consciously worked to consolidate this tradition of not discriminating on the basis of gender and giving due respect to both genders. The Gender related Development Index (GDI) in the state has steadily improved in the last one and half decade. Women in the state, unlike in other parts of the country are not secluded. The practice of dowry, sati and female infanticide are almost nonexistent and there is hardly any noticeable discrimination against the girl child in the society. Hence, women in Sikkim enjoy a comparatively better position than their counterparts in many mainstream states. Having said that, this piece attempts to briefly examine three important aspects of women's empowerment in terms of education, health and workforce participation.
First, education is a key to development and women empowerment. It is a dynamic force that influences physical, mental, emotional, racial and ethical development. Examination of literacy data in the state since 1951 highlights the fact that there has been significant increase in the gender gap between the periods of 1951-2001. The literacy gap between male and female increased from 10 per cent in 1951 to over 15 per cent in 2001. Today about 39 per cent the Sikkimese women are still illiterate. Further, the enrolment of girls in schools has always been lower than that of the boys. The dropout rate for girls has also been higher in Sikkim. This may be possibly due to relatively early age of marriage for girls and associated social responsibilities. According to Sikkim Human Development Report (2001), over 60 per cent of rural women and 70 per cent of urban women get married before they are 20 years old. Besides, girls in rural areas are mostly engaged in household activities such as fuel and fodder collection, fetching of water and sibling care. The parental indifference towards girl child due to economic reasons has also kept the girl children away from schools at many cases.
Second, good health is another important aspect of women's empowerment. Health, according to World Health Organisation (1948), is a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely an absence of disease or infirmity. The health of women has profound implication for socio-economic well-being of the society. Health standard has improved significantly in Sikkim over the last two decades. Along with the expansion of public health infrastructure, there has been a massive increase in the budgetary allocation over the years. Such developments in health sector have helped reduce the maternal and infant mortality rate. The infant mortality rate (IMR) was 49 per thousand in 2001 which was lower than all-India average of 68 per thousand. The IMR was, however, high in rural areas as compared to urban areas of the state. Poor delivery of health care services, low nutritional level and low literacy among women are some of the important reasons for high infant mortality rate in rural Sikkim. Low literacy among the female has a great impact on infant and child mortality rates. Deprivation of education not only affects the advancement of women but also negatively influences the state of nutrition, health and diseases. The challenge of nutritional security before the state is formidable. Anemia among the women is one of the major concerns for the government. Sikkim stands seventh in all India rank of women suffering from anaemia. It has 61.1 per cent of women with any anaemia. Among the north-eastern states, Sikkim has very high incidence of anaemia and stand only after the state of Meghalaya ( 63.3 per cent) and Arunachal Pradesh (62.5 percent).
Third, another important route to empower women is to make them economically independent. The social and political empowerment of women would be meaningless unless they are economically empowered. In order to widen their role beyond reproduction and child caring, women should be encouraged to take active part in economically productive role. In fact, the social status of women is greatly influenced by the extent of their participation in income generating activities. Women in Sikkim are in relatively better position as compared to women in many other parts of the country. The state government has reserved 30 percent of seats for women in public employment. In fact, in some of the government departments, women employees outnumber their male counterparts. At the state level, however, there are 57.6 per cent male workforce and 39.6 per cent female workforce indicating a fairly wide gender gap in workforce participation rate. There is a need to encourage women to take active participation in both public and private sectors. Female work participation not only increases their family income but also brings economic independence in the household. This helps them to participate more effectively in intra-household decision-making and have better access to information.
Lastly, the constitution of India provides for equal political and civil rights to both men and women. Women need to have equal opportunity to participate in decision making process at all levels. The representation of women in the Assembly and local bodies are not very satisfactory in Sikkim. Nonetheless, the representation of women is comparatively better at local level than their representation in the Assembly.
To conclude, in order to empower women socially, economically and politically a more integrated approach is required encompassing advocacy, access to resources & information, and capacity-building. Further, provisions for women component plan need to be seriously thought of. The government of India and some of the mainstream states have already started their gender budgeting exercise. We need to learn from them. Women should be considered as active stakeholders in all welfare programmes rather than mere beneficiaries. Women development should be given priority by recognizing their needs and potential as partners in development. The government should encourage women to organize Self Help Groups under various poverty alleviation programmes and offer them a range of economic options along with necessary support measures to enhance their capabilities.
*Durga P. Chettri was the second author in this article*
**Pubslished by Sikkim Express, August 8, 2007**
Human Security and Human Development
A conception of security that is centred on the sanctity of the individual may be called human security. How safe and free are we as individuals, is a core question behind the whole debate of human security dynamics. Human security as an idea has been in existence since very long. As long ago as 1705, a German philosopher, Leibniz, expressed the need for the state to provide common security to its people. French philosopher Montesquieu also echoed the same sentiment when he said that true political freedom could only be achieved when people are secure The concept, however, remained suppressed for long.
However, over the last few decades or so, the changes witnessed in the local, national, regional and international arena like human rights violations, environmental degradation, poverty, political instability, terrorism, ethnic & religious violence, gender inequity etc have led security thinkers to realise that the conventional or traditional security discourse appears inadequate to capture these emerging sources of insecurity. In recent times, governments, international organisations, non-governmental organisations and ordinary citizens have been attempting to explore the questions of human security as never before and also act as agents in enlarging the scope of safety and freedom of the people. Political scientists, sociologists, economists, environmentalists, political geographers, security & defense experts and others have been trying to study the issue of human security from different perspectives in order to conceptualise the term in a better way.
The recent line of thinking and discourse on human security issues can be connected to the growing dissatisfaction with the prevailing idea of security and development during 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. They were the economists who, in the 1960s, led the critiques on the dominant models of economic development. Since the 1950s there have been a series of attempts to formulate alternative development theories and strategies. Among many others, they include, Neo-classical ‘trickle down’ growth theory, the employment strategy, the anti poverty oriented strategy and basic needs approach. Perhaps the most important forerunners of the idea of human security were the reports of a series of multinational independent commissions consisting of prominent leaders, intellectuals and academics of the 1970s. In the early seventies, the Club of Rome group produced a series of volumes on the world problematique that were premised on the idea that there is a complex of problems troubling men of all nations: poverty…degradation of the environment, loss of faith in institutions, uncontrolled urban spread, insecurity of employment, alienation of youth, rejection of traditional values, and inflation and other monetary and economic disruptions.
If the earlier attempts to explore the aspects of human security were the precursors, it was the beginning of the 1990s that witnessed an explicit human security perspective getting articulated among the works of the scholars across the disciplines. The first concrete contribution in consolidating the structure of human security issues was the first Human Development Report published in 1990 by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) under the leadership of Mahbub ul Haq. The human development thesis explicitly put at the centre of its formulation the notion that development thinking and policies must focus on the welfare of individuals rather than simply on macro economy. This thesis tends to present a more comprehensive theoretical and practical approach to human security debate.
Further, a chapter was dedicated on the human security discourse in UNDP’s Human Development Report of 1994. According to the report, ‘for most people, a feeling of insecurity arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of the cataclysmic world event. Human security is not a concern with weapon; it is a concern with human life and dignity’. The report further makes it clear that human security is a universal concern, an interdependent aspect, easier to ensure through early prevention, and it is people centric in nature. If human development is a broader concept defined as a process of widening the range of people’s choices, human security means that people can exercise these choices safely and freely and that they can be relatively confident that the opportunities they have today are not totally lost tomorrow. Human development and human security are thus interlinked in more than one ways. The Human Development Report of 1994 has categorised human security into seven major security heads. They are: Economic security, Food security, Health security, Environmental security, Personal security, Community security, and Political security.
It is, however, important to note here that our National Human Development Report (2001) as well as State Human Development Reports have not been able to include the importance of human security in their discussion. Besides the indices on economy, health and education a new index on gender disparity has been developed and introduced in the HDRs in recent times. This is largely the result of feminist lobby over the years. We have, however, not been able to discuss issues in human security and develop any kind of security index in our Human Development Reports.
The state of Sikkim is in the process of preparing its second Human Development Report. The report will possibly be completed in the next one year. It would be advisable that our second State Human Development Report initiates discussion on the vital aspects of human security in the State and attempts to develop a new index on Human Security. This would be a pioneering contribution of our report that other State Human Development Reports would follow gradually. While attempting discussion on any aspects of human security and preparation of human security index for Sikkim, UNDP’s Human Development Report of 1994 should be the foundation.
**Published by Sikkim Express, September 6, 2007**
However, over the last few decades or so, the changes witnessed in the local, national, regional and international arena like human rights violations, environmental degradation, poverty, political instability, terrorism, ethnic & religious violence, gender inequity etc have led security thinkers to realise that the conventional or traditional security discourse appears inadequate to capture these emerging sources of insecurity. In recent times, governments, international organisations, non-governmental organisations and ordinary citizens have been attempting to explore the questions of human security as never before and also act as agents in enlarging the scope of safety and freedom of the people. Political scientists, sociologists, economists, environmentalists, political geographers, security & defense experts and others have been trying to study the issue of human security from different perspectives in order to conceptualise the term in a better way.
The recent line of thinking and discourse on human security issues can be connected to the growing dissatisfaction with the prevailing idea of security and development during 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. They were the economists who, in the 1960s, led the critiques on the dominant models of economic development. Since the 1950s there have been a series of attempts to formulate alternative development theories and strategies. Among many others, they include, Neo-classical ‘trickle down’ growth theory, the employment strategy, the anti poverty oriented strategy and basic needs approach. Perhaps the most important forerunners of the idea of human security were the reports of a series of multinational independent commissions consisting of prominent leaders, intellectuals and academics of the 1970s. In the early seventies, the Club of Rome group produced a series of volumes on the world problematique that were premised on the idea that there is a complex of problems troubling men of all nations: poverty…degradation of the environment, loss of faith in institutions, uncontrolled urban spread, insecurity of employment, alienation of youth, rejection of traditional values, and inflation and other monetary and economic disruptions.
If the earlier attempts to explore the aspects of human security were the precursors, it was the beginning of the 1990s that witnessed an explicit human security perspective getting articulated among the works of the scholars across the disciplines. The first concrete contribution in consolidating the structure of human security issues was the first Human Development Report published in 1990 by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) under the leadership of Mahbub ul Haq. The human development thesis explicitly put at the centre of its formulation the notion that development thinking and policies must focus on the welfare of individuals rather than simply on macro economy. This thesis tends to present a more comprehensive theoretical and practical approach to human security debate.
Further, a chapter was dedicated on the human security discourse in UNDP’s Human Development Report of 1994. According to the report, ‘for most people, a feeling of insecurity arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of the cataclysmic world event. Human security is not a concern with weapon; it is a concern with human life and dignity’. The report further makes it clear that human security is a universal concern, an interdependent aspect, easier to ensure through early prevention, and it is people centric in nature. If human development is a broader concept defined as a process of widening the range of people’s choices, human security means that people can exercise these choices safely and freely and that they can be relatively confident that the opportunities they have today are not totally lost tomorrow. Human development and human security are thus interlinked in more than one ways. The Human Development Report of 1994 has categorised human security into seven major security heads. They are: Economic security, Food security, Health security, Environmental security, Personal security, Community security, and Political security.
It is, however, important to note here that our National Human Development Report (2001) as well as State Human Development Reports have not been able to include the importance of human security in their discussion. Besides the indices on economy, health and education a new index on gender disparity has been developed and introduced in the HDRs in recent times. This is largely the result of feminist lobby over the years. We have, however, not been able to discuss issues in human security and develop any kind of security index in our Human Development Reports.
The state of Sikkim is in the process of preparing its second Human Development Report. The report will possibly be completed in the next one year. It would be advisable that our second State Human Development Report initiates discussion on the vital aspects of human security in the State and attempts to develop a new index on Human Security. This would be a pioneering contribution of our report that other State Human Development Reports would follow gradually. While attempting discussion on any aspects of human security and preparation of human security index for Sikkim, UNDP’s Human Development Report of 1994 should be the foundation.
**Published by Sikkim Express, September 6, 2007**
THE FUTURE OF DARJEELING HILLS
By and large, most of us have internalised the over all situation prevailing in Darjeeling Hills since the past 20 years (approximately). However, we all have internalised the prevailing paradigm in Darjeeling in our own ways and thus have different understanding on the varied aspects concerning Darjeeling. The following note reflects some of my understanding of the present situation of Darjeeling Hills and a general projection on the future of the region given the fact that the present socio-political trend continues.
People
Majority of the educated and people with vision will leave the region as there will be no career scope/options, economic avenues and socio-political environment to sustain them. They will be down in their mouth with increasing hypocrisy in the system of the region, politics without logic, increasing human insecurities, death of sustainable development, and advent of animism. The region will hence witness a massive drain-away of human resource which would have otherwise contributed to the development of economy, society and polity of Darjeeling Hills had there been affable human security conditions. Only the semiliterate, illiterate, and few educated section of the people, a major chunk of which will consist of the agriculturists, business class, and inept government servants, will inhabit the area. A group of youth with largely anti-social orientation will be, however, maintained by the system. Its strength and influence will increase manifold than what it has today.
Institutions
The importance and relevance of cultural and legal institutions will severely deteriorate resulting into the large scale degradation of socio-political, economic and environmental structure of the region. Such a situation will put the region into a mess and there will be virtually a reign of terror prevalent in the area. The constitutional rights of the people including the freedom of speech and expression will be severely tested. Corruption, violence, antisocial activities and such other vices will be an order of the day turning the once ‘queen of hills’ into an unsuitable place to live in for the ordinary souls. The increasing rate at which the once dynamic and diverse hill society has been fracturing in recent times clearly indicates us that in less than two decades down the line the cleavage of the fracture will be wide open. Such a state of affair will encourage wide spread rivalry among various smaller social/ethnic groups and as a consequence our historical, cultural and emotional bondage will breathe its last. And that may further lead to violence, instability and atrocities in the region. The already shaky and thinkable identity of the larger Nepali speakers in the region as a result will further walk down the ladder with every an unknown ethnic group asserting its own identity. In the whole process, excluding few vested interests, the people of Darjeeling will gain nothing but revive their long leftover animism. The world will move towards the north and Darjeeling Hills towards south.
Environment
Environment will degrade to its nadir. Forest will be the major environmental resource that will be severely depleted, both in terms of its density and percentage cover. The degree of prevailing timber smuggling and illegal felling and supply of trees from across the interior of the region will increase geometrically. Majority of the natural springs and small streams that have been behaving abnormally at present times will dry up putting the human security of the region at great stress. Already, places like Lower Bong Busty, East Main Road, Solak Busty and Suruk in Kalimpong are experiencing severe water crisis. In Lower Bong Busty water has long become an economic commodity, from its traditional identity as a Common Property Resource (CPR), where the owners of the sources of natural springs charge certain amount every month to the households for providing drinking and domestic water supply. The number of such locations will increase at an increasing pace. Urban locations like Darjeeling Town will be an example of one of the worst victims of water crisis in the planet. Land resource will be one of the prime resources to face the onslaughts of reckless anthropogenic activities. Unplanned, unscientific and lopsided development ventures will inflict havoc on the land and associated resource base. Some of such ventures may be listed as rampant road construction without properly considering geologic and geographic attributes, building of residential houses in urban and semi urban locations without adequate planning and neglecting building norms relevant to the hills and mountains, expansion of agricultural land to marginal locations, faulty agricultural practices, and unscientific population growth. Consequently, the degree and frequency of natural disasters like land slides, soil erosion, and flash floods will heighten at much higher levels than they are at present times. Additionally, the production, productivity and yield of agriculture will severely suffer.
The Way Forward
The people of Darjeeling need to resist or at the least try to defy the ongoing socio-political and development trends if they do not expect them or their younger generations to witness the status of Darjeeling hills as highlighted above, not many years from now. They need to come out on the open ground and ponder upon the prevailing situation collectively. They need to revisit and re-examine their history, society, and more importantly polity. There is a necessity to raise several questions in the context of their past and present paradigm and attempt to locate the answers. This becomes important for Darjeeling because philosophers have long pointed out that the past is a root of the present while the future is its fruit. The future of Darjeeling hills will depend to a large extent on how the people of Darjeeling execute things today.
*Published by Sikkim Express, November 28, 2007*
People
Majority of the educated and people with vision will leave the region as there will be no career scope/options, economic avenues and socio-political environment to sustain them. They will be down in their mouth with increasing hypocrisy in the system of the region, politics without logic, increasing human insecurities, death of sustainable development, and advent of animism. The region will hence witness a massive drain-away of human resource which would have otherwise contributed to the development of economy, society and polity of Darjeeling Hills had there been affable human security conditions. Only the semiliterate, illiterate, and few educated section of the people, a major chunk of which will consist of the agriculturists, business class, and inept government servants, will inhabit the area. A group of youth with largely anti-social orientation will be, however, maintained by the system. Its strength and influence will increase manifold than what it has today.
Institutions
The importance and relevance of cultural and legal institutions will severely deteriorate resulting into the large scale degradation of socio-political, economic and environmental structure of the region. Such a situation will put the region into a mess and there will be virtually a reign of terror prevalent in the area. The constitutional rights of the people including the freedom of speech and expression will be severely tested. Corruption, violence, antisocial activities and such other vices will be an order of the day turning the once ‘queen of hills’ into an unsuitable place to live in for the ordinary souls. The increasing rate at which the once dynamic and diverse hill society has been fracturing in recent times clearly indicates us that in less than two decades down the line the cleavage of the fracture will be wide open. Such a state of affair will encourage wide spread rivalry among various smaller social/ethnic groups and as a consequence our historical, cultural and emotional bondage will breathe its last. And that may further lead to violence, instability and atrocities in the region. The already shaky and thinkable identity of the larger Nepali speakers in the region as a result will further walk down the ladder with every an unknown ethnic group asserting its own identity. In the whole process, excluding few vested interests, the people of Darjeeling will gain nothing but revive their long leftover animism. The world will move towards the north and Darjeeling Hills towards south.
Environment
Environment will degrade to its nadir. Forest will be the major environmental resource that will be severely depleted, both in terms of its density and percentage cover. The degree of prevailing timber smuggling and illegal felling and supply of trees from across the interior of the region will increase geometrically. Majority of the natural springs and small streams that have been behaving abnormally at present times will dry up putting the human security of the region at great stress. Already, places like Lower Bong Busty, East Main Road, Solak Busty and Suruk in Kalimpong are experiencing severe water crisis. In Lower Bong Busty water has long become an economic commodity, from its traditional identity as a Common Property Resource (CPR), where the owners of the sources of natural springs charge certain amount every month to the households for providing drinking and domestic water supply. The number of such locations will increase at an increasing pace. Urban locations like Darjeeling Town will be an example of one of the worst victims of water crisis in the planet. Land resource will be one of the prime resources to face the onslaughts of reckless anthropogenic activities. Unplanned, unscientific and lopsided development ventures will inflict havoc on the land and associated resource base. Some of such ventures may be listed as rampant road construction without properly considering geologic and geographic attributes, building of residential houses in urban and semi urban locations without adequate planning and neglecting building norms relevant to the hills and mountains, expansion of agricultural land to marginal locations, faulty agricultural practices, and unscientific population growth. Consequently, the degree and frequency of natural disasters like land slides, soil erosion, and flash floods will heighten at much higher levels than they are at present times. Additionally, the production, productivity and yield of agriculture will severely suffer.
The Way Forward
The people of Darjeeling need to resist or at the least try to defy the ongoing socio-political and development trends if they do not expect them or their younger generations to witness the status of Darjeeling hills as highlighted above, not many years from now. They need to come out on the open ground and ponder upon the prevailing situation collectively. They need to revisit and re-examine their history, society, and more importantly polity. There is a necessity to raise several questions in the context of their past and present paradigm and attempt to locate the answers. This becomes important for Darjeeling because philosophers have long pointed out that the past is a root of the present while the future is its fruit. The future of Darjeeling hills will depend to a large extent on how the people of Darjeeling execute things today.
*Published by Sikkim Express, November 28, 2007*
Prashant Phenomenon, Darjeeling Hills and Sixth Schedule
A new chapter to the history of Darjeeling hills was added on the December 6, 2005 following a tripartite agreement between the DGHC, the West Bengal government, and the Government of India. The objective of this agreement is to replace the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hills Council to be known as Gorkha Hill Council, Darjeeling, under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India after due consultative, legislative and constitutional processes by the State and Central Governments, so as to fulfill economic, educational and linguistic aspirations and the preservation of land-rights, socio-cultural and ethnic identity of the hill people; and to speed up the infrastructure development in the hill areas.
In the last two years the draft Sixth Schedule Bill for Darjeeling hills has been dissected, analysed and examined by several critics including the academicians, journalists and general public. It has been found that there is hardly any difference between what the Council was before and what it is proposed to be by the draft Bill except the constitutional recognition for the DGHC. The Bill proposes only some minor changes here and there and revision of electoral representation in the updated Council. Many political analysts maintain that the Sixth Schedule drama is nothing more than Ghising’s ploy to delay further the long overdue DGHC election in the region and safeguard his chair. Still others lament that it was just the usual game of Bengal Government in collusion with Subash Ghising against the people of Darjeeling Hills. Ghising is also accused of the act of non-inclusion of his council colleagues and the general public of Darjeeling hills before he agreed upon to the draft Sixth Schedule prepared by the Government of West Bengal.
Importantly, the draft Bill was gathering dust in New Delhi for about two years. Both the Government of West Bengal and Government of India had long understood the dynamics of Darjeeling hills and nature of the people therein. They were aware of the mystic presence of Subash Ghising in Darjeeling Hills and his overwhelming popular image in the area. Hence, they never took heed of the fragmented oppositions and voices of the members of civil society against the toothless Sixth Schedule provisions offered by the Bengal Government to the region. The lopsided and opportunist opposition parties within Darjeeling Hills had tried tooth and nail to mobilize the general public against the draft Sixth Schedule Bill but were seldom successful in their venture. Notably, the general public of Darjeeling Hills under the leadership of Professor Mahendra P. Lama had prepared and submitted an alternative and drastically updated Sixth Schedule provisions to the Government of India and Bengal Government long back in opposition to the Sixth Schedule provisions prepared by the West Bengal and signed by Ghising. In fact, Professor Lama have time and again highlighted in various public forums that Sixth Schedule as such is not a bad proposition for Darjeeling Hills. However, the degree and extent of provisions within the Schedule and the way in which these provisions are formulated becomes critical for the sustainable future of the region and its people. According to him, if Darjeeling efficiently negotiates with the government and brings the right kind of Sixth Schedule to the region the same will be the stepping stone towards the Statehood for Darjeeling hills.
The recent Prashant phenomenon suddenly changed the socio-political matrix of Darjeeling hills. Not a single political party or personality (Except GNLF and Subash Ghising) could mobilise the members of civil society in Darjeeling Hills over the years as Prashant Phenomenon did. People in Darjeeling hills were so deeply involved and emotionally charged with the Prashant factor that a word against Prashant and his voice was enough to set fire to the emotions of general public. Everybody explicitly supported Prashant in Darjeeling-Sikkim and its neighbouring regions and sang his glory. However, Subash Ghishing kept tight-lipped all through the Indian Idol Programme. His silence through out the musical show and his non-utterance in support of the local boy gradually added fuel to the emotions of the general mass. Fortunately, Prashant emerged victorious in the grand finale. The civil society particularly in Darjeeling hills has united once again from its fragmentation and is tremendously disappointed with the attitude of Subash Ghising. Today, the socio-political environment has become exceedingly fragile in Darjeeling hills. Perhaps the tide may at anytime flow against the interest of Subash Ghising and his associates. In deed, the Prashant phenomenon has created a pan-Nepali sentiment across various linguistic groups of Nepali society within and outside India.
Not surprisingly, New Delhi timely smelled the uncongenial situation for Subash Ghising in Darjeeling hills and the gradual popular mobilisation against him. Consequently, the Government of India in connivance with West Bengal Government hurriedly called upon the cabinet meeting and approved the Sixth Schedule status for Darjeeling Hills on October 1, 2007. As intended by the New Delhi, the focus in Darjeeling hills suddenly again shifted from Prashant to Sixth Schedule and as wanted by the Centre and State Government Ghising has again been temporarily lucky. Why did the Centre play Sixth Schedule card at this very moment is one of the most pertinent questions that we need to seek answer for. By doing so the Government of India and West Bengal did two significant tasks for them. First, they have temporarily saved Subash Ghishing from the onslaught of the general mass who otherwise is exasperated by his recent attitude. Secondly and more importantly, they understood the fact that if they do not play the Sixth Schedule card right now the future of their puppet boy was seemingly bleak and the already mobilised mass would not at any cost settle for Sixth Schedule provisions prepared by West Bengal. In short, the frightening demand by Darjeeling to the Government of West Bengal, a separate Statehood for the people of Darjeeling hills would crop up once again had the Government of India not played the game at the right time and both New Delhi and Calcutta did not want that to happen.
However, mention should be made here that there is still a sizeable chunk of people in Darjeeling hills including general public, intellectuals, and political leaders who are not happy with the toothless provisions under the Sixth Schedule to be granted to the region if the bill is passed in the parliament [expectedly by the end of the year]. The political situation in Darjeeling hills is still relatively fragile and it will be critical to witness the newer developments on the south of the great Rangit River in near future.
**Published by Sikkim Express, October 2, 2007**
In the last two years the draft Sixth Schedule Bill for Darjeeling hills has been dissected, analysed and examined by several critics including the academicians, journalists and general public. It has been found that there is hardly any difference between what the Council was before and what it is proposed to be by the draft Bill except the constitutional recognition for the DGHC. The Bill proposes only some minor changes here and there and revision of electoral representation in the updated Council. Many political analysts maintain that the Sixth Schedule drama is nothing more than Ghising’s ploy to delay further the long overdue DGHC election in the region and safeguard his chair. Still others lament that it was just the usual game of Bengal Government in collusion with Subash Ghising against the people of Darjeeling Hills. Ghising is also accused of the act of non-inclusion of his council colleagues and the general public of Darjeeling hills before he agreed upon to the draft Sixth Schedule prepared by the Government of West Bengal.
Importantly, the draft Bill was gathering dust in New Delhi for about two years. Both the Government of West Bengal and Government of India had long understood the dynamics of Darjeeling hills and nature of the people therein. They were aware of the mystic presence of Subash Ghising in Darjeeling Hills and his overwhelming popular image in the area. Hence, they never took heed of the fragmented oppositions and voices of the members of civil society against the toothless Sixth Schedule provisions offered by the Bengal Government to the region. The lopsided and opportunist opposition parties within Darjeeling Hills had tried tooth and nail to mobilize the general public against the draft Sixth Schedule Bill but were seldom successful in their venture. Notably, the general public of Darjeeling Hills under the leadership of Professor Mahendra P. Lama had prepared and submitted an alternative and drastically updated Sixth Schedule provisions to the Government of India and Bengal Government long back in opposition to the Sixth Schedule provisions prepared by the West Bengal and signed by Ghising. In fact, Professor Lama have time and again highlighted in various public forums that Sixth Schedule as such is not a bad proposition for Darjeeling Hills. However, the degree and extent of provisions within the Schedule and the way in which these provisions are formulated becomes critical for the sustainable future of the region and its people. According to him, if Darjeeling efficiently negotiates with the government and brings the right kind of Sixth Schedule to the region the same will be the stepping stone towards the Statehood for Darjeeling hills.
The recent Prashant phenomenon suddenly changed the socio-political matrix of Darjeeling hills. Not a single political party or personality (Except GNLF and Subash Ghising) could mobilise the members of civil society in Darjeeling Hills over the years as Prashant Phenomenon did. People in Darjeeling hills were so deeply involved and emotionally charged with the Prashant factor that a word against Prashant and his voice was enough to set fire to the emotions of general public. Everybody explicitly supported Prashant in Darjeeling-Sikkim and its neighbouring regions and sang his glory. However, Subash Ghishing kept tight-lipped all through the Indian Idol Programme. His silence through out the musical show and his non-utterance in support of the local boy gradually added fuel to the emotions of the general mass. Fortunately, Prashant emerged victorious in the grand finale. The civil society particularly in Darjeeling hills has united once again from its fragmentation and is tremendously disappointed with the attitude of Subash Ghising. Today, the socio-political environment has become exceedingly fragile in Darjeeling hills. Perhaps the tide may at anytime flow against the interest of Subash Ghising and his associates. In deed, the Prashant phenomenon has created a pan-Nepali sentiment across various linguistic groups of Nepali society within and outside India.
Not surprisingly, New Delhi timely smelled the uncongenial situation for Subash Ghising in Darjeeling hills and the gradual popular mobilisation against him. Consequently, the Government of India in connivance with West Bengal Government hurriedly called upon the cabinet meeting and approved the Sixth Schedule status for Darjeeling Hills on October 1, 2007. As intended by the New Delhi, the focus in Darjeeling hills suddenly again shifted from Prashant to Sixth Schedule and as wanted by the Centre and State Government Ghising has again been temporarily lucky. Why did the Centre play Sixth Schedule card at this very moment is one of the most pertinent questions that we need to seek answer for. By doing so the Government of India and West Bengal did two significant tasks for them. First, they have temporarily saved Subash Ghishing from the onslaught of the general mass who otherwise is exasperated by his recent attitude. Secondly and more importantly, they understood the fact that if they do not play the Sixth Schedule card right now the future of their puppet boy was seemingly bleak and the already mobilised mass would not at any cost settle for Sixth Schedule provisions prepared by West Bengal. In short, the frightening demand by Darjeeling to the Government of West Bengal, a separate Statehood for the people of Darjeeling hills would crop up once again had the Government of India not played the game at the right time and both New Delhi and Calcutta did not want that to happen.
However, mention should be made here that there is still a sizeable chunk of people in Darjeeling hills including general public, intellectuals, and political leaders who are not happy with the toothless provisions under the Sixth Schedule to be granted to the region if the bill is passed in the parliament [expectedly by the end of the year]. The political situation in Darjeeling hills is still relatively fragile and it will be critical to witness the newer developments on the south of the great Rangit River in near future.
**Published by Sikkim Express, October 2, 2007**
Expensive Gangtok
A fourth-class worker from Delhi, who recently was in the town hesitatingly, confided to me: ‘Saab Gangtok toh Delhi se bhi aageh hai. Yeh Jagah toh bahut hi mehenga hai. Kaise reheteh hai log yaaha?Kaha se aata hai inke paas itna paisa’ I patted his back and informed him that Sikkim is a Himalayan state and is located at remote corner of the Country. As a result, the economic burden of carrying goods from Siliguri or elsewhere to this place becomes exceedingly high and has to be borne by the customers, both rich and poor. Unfortunately, Sikkim was ravaged by natural hazards at that point of time and we were at the height of environmental insecurity. As a consequence, Gangtok had become one of the most expensive towns in the country then. I was, however, not convinced by my own answer. Monsoon apart, even during normal period Gangtok is a notoriously expensive place to live in for the ordinary/poor souls. It is much expensive than its counterparts- Kalimpong Town and Darjeeling Town. The usually certified carrying charge and monsoon theories apply to Kalimpong and Darjeeling as well. Then how on earth is Sikkim, and more specifically Gangtok, such an expensive place to live in?
Although I got opportunities in the past to associate myself in the preparation of a number of policy documents- including State Development Report and Nathula Trade Report- of the state with Prof. Mahendra Lama, I could hardly find any time to understand the internal socio-economic and market dynamics of Sikkim in general and Gangtok in particular. Now that I have shifted my base from Delhi to Gangtok I have also turned out to be one of the victims of expensive Gangtok. Here, I briefly attempt to locate some of the forces operating behind the unprecedented rise in consumer and other necessary goods in Gangtok. It is based on my discussion with the vendors and general public in Gangtok, Kalimpong and Siliguri.
First, in Siliguri majority of the wholesalers, shopkeepers and such other business people look forward for at least one Sikkimese customer in a day. According to them, one customer from Sikkim in a day is enough for them to extract the average profit of a day. They recognize Sikkimese customers by their attitude and body language. Immediately the price of goods is hiked and no bargaining is allowed. Similarly, the daily wage/contract rate of informal labourers based in Siliguri or nearby areas is different from the local rate if they are hired for construction works in Sikkim. They have a preconceived notion that Sikkim has plenty of money and people here readily agree upon the rate quoted by them without bargaining and irrespective of whether the rate is as per the prevailing market rules and regulations. Such situation subsequently impacts the market in Sikkim.
Second, the impression of the people in a place like Kalimpong about Sikkim is that, Sikkim has enough financial resource but the market there is poorly regulated. Sikkim is relatively expensive than Kalimpong also because of the fact that everything has to be purchased by Sikkim. Kalimpong supplies much of the eateries like vegetables, meat etc on a regular basis to Sikkim. According to them, people in Kalimpong work much harder than their counterparts in Sikkim because they have nothing to expect from the State or DGHC. However, such is not the case in Sikkim. People look forward to the State in Sikkim for resource every now and then. There is a kind of dependency syndrome prevalent in Sikkim which has made people lazy. Consequently, majority of the goods are purchased from outside and that ultimately impacts the market in Sikkim.
Third, the impression of the mainstream traders, about the local people, who dominate the market of Gangtok, is similar to that of the traders in Siliguri. Locals in Gangtok do not bargain or examine the quoted price of the goods and thus allow the vendors to take advantage of the situation. Recently, I was at Jorthang in connection to the Monitoring and Evaluation Training to the government officials of Sikkim. I was surprised to see a lady purchasing a frooty that had well passed its expiry date. When I questioned the Bihari shopkeeper he informed me that it wouldn’t matter to the people here as they seldom bear the burden of checking the price tag or expiry date of the consumer goods. The demanded price is paid by majority of the customers without any wrangle. Another important thing that customers rarely bother about while purchasing is asking for valid receipts, thus doubly benefiting the vendor.
The crux of the problem that I could locate after my discussion with the relevant persons is the ‘indifference’ among the customers. No body cares what the hell is going around in the market. People are too busy constructing their buildings, majority of which are against urban planning norms of the hills, and buying boleros. They have no time to question how on earth one LPG cylinder is costing them Rs. 600, why a kilo of vegetable is costing more than Rs. 50, why are they paying Rs.10 to print a page, how come a spiral binding is costing them Rs. 100 when it is Rs. 30 a little down in Siliguri. Unless we raise such questions and seek for a solvable solution, the market inflation in Sikkim will steadily maintain its climb.
By Indian standard, Sikkim definitely is a rich state but everyone does not have enough money here. Sikkim, like many other mainstream states, still accommodates a sizeable number of farmers, daily-wage workers, contractual workers, muster-roll workers and such other people who are not economically secure and have to work very hard to sustain their livelihood. It is this group of people that are ruthlessly impacted by the market inflation and not the indifferent rich ones. How does a muster roll driver who earns less than Rs. 3000 a month survive in a place like Gangtok when a kilo of bean costs him Rs. 90 during monsoon? It is high time we deconstruct the carrying charge and monsoon theories and go for an austere ‘consumer forum’ that periodically checks/examines the market in Gangtok [and Sikkim at large] and makes it competitive and comparable with similar other class two towns.
**Published by Sikkim Express, November 1, 2007**
Although I got opportunities in the past to associate myself in the preparation of a number of policy documents- including State Development Report and Nathula Trade Report- of the state with Prof. Mahendra Lama, I could hardly find any time to understand the internal socio-economic and market dynamics of Sikkim in general and Gangtok in particular. Now that I have shifted my base from Delhi to Gangtok I have also turned out to be one of the victims of expensive Gangtok. Here, I briefly attempt to locate some of the forces operating behind the unprecedented rise in consumer and other necessary goods in Gangtok. It is based on my discussion with the vendors and general public in Gangtok, Kalimpong and Siliguri.
First, in Siliguri majority of the wholesalers, shopkeepers and such other business people look forward for at least one Sikkimese customer in a day. According to them, one customer from Sikkim in a day is enough for them to extract the average profit of a day. They recognize Sikkimese customers by their attitude and body language. Immediately the price of goods is hiked and no bargaining is allowed. Similarly, the daily wage/contract rate of informal labourers based in Siliguri or nearby areas is different from the local rate if they are hired for construction works in Sikkim. They have a preconceived notion that Sikkim has plenty of money and people here readily agree upon the rate quoted by them without bargaining and irrespective of whether the rate is as per the prevailing market rules and regulations. Such situation subsequently impacts the market in Sikkim.
Second, the impression of the people in a place like Kalimpong about Sikkim is that, Sikkim has enough financial resource but the market there is poorly regulated. Sikkim is relatively expensive than Kalimpong also because of the fact that everything has to be purchased by Sikkim. Kalimpong supplies much of the eateries like vegetables, meat etc on a regular basis to Sikkim. According to them, people in Kalimpong work much harder than their counterparts in Sikkim because they have nothing to expect from the State or DGHC. However, such is not the case in Sikkim. People look forward to the State in Sikkim for resource every now and then. There is a kind of dependency syndrome prevalent in Sikkim which has made people lazy. Consequently, majority of the goods are purchased from outside and that ultimately impacts the market in Sikkim.
Third, the impression of the mainstream traders, about the local people, who dominate the market of Gangtok, is similar to that of the traders in Siliguri. Locals in Gangtok do not bargain or examine the quoted price of the goods and thus allow the vendors to take advantage of the situation. Recently, I was at Jorthang in connection to the Monitoring and Evaluation Training to the government officials of Sikkim. I was surprised to see a lady purchasing a frooty that had well passed its expiry date. When I questioned the Bihari shopkeeper he informed me that it wouldn’t matter to the people here as they seldom bear the burden of checking the price tag or expiry date of the consumer goods. The demanded price is paid by majority of the customers without any wrangle. Another important thing that customers rarely bother about while purchasing is asking for valid receipts, thus doubly benefiting the vendor.
The crux of the problem that I could locate after my discussion with the relevant persons is the ‘indifference’ among the customers. No body cares what the hell is going around in the market. People are too busy constructing their buildings, majority of which are against urban planning norms of the hills, and buying boleros. They have no time to question how on earth one LPG cylinder is costing them Rs. 600, why a kilo of vegetable is costing more than Rs. 50, why are they paying Rs.10 to print a page, how come a spiral binding is costing them Rs. 100 when it is Rs. 30 a little down in Siliguri. Unless we raise such questions and seek for a solvable solution, the market inflation in Sikkim will steadily maintain its climb.
By Indian standard, Sikkim definitely is a rich state but everyone does not have enough money here. Sikkim, like many other mainstream states, still accommodates a sizeable number of farmers, daily-wage workers, contractual workers, muster-roll workers and such other people who are not economically secure and have to work very hard to sustain their livelihood. It is this group of people that are ruthlessly impacted by the market inflation and not the indifferent rich ones. How does a muster roll driver who earns less than Rs. 3000 a month survive in a place like Gangtok when a kilo of bean costs him Rs. 90 during monsoon? It is high time we deconstruct the carrying charge and monsoon theories and go for an austere ‘consumer forum’ that periodically checks/examines the market in Gangtok [and Sikkim at large] and makes it competitive and comparable with similar other class two towns.
**Published by Sikkim Express, November 1, 2007**
Debating the Project of Indian Idol
The third musical talent show hosted by Sony Television ended with the grand finale on 23rd September 2007. Both the finalists were young boys belonging to marginal geographical locations of the country. Expectedly, our own boy from Darjeeling emerged victorious at the end of the day. The Nepali speaking community and other social groups residing in Darjeeling Hills, Sikkim and neighbouring regions are immeasurably swollen with pride on Prashant’s feat. In fact people in and around Sikkim-Darjeeling and its surrounding geographical milieu left no stone unturned in SMSing in favour of the local lad since the judges showed green signal to Prashant many months back. The whole process once again highlighted the fact that regional unity is strength and a way to victory. Surprisingly, Prashant won the grand finale by the margin of three crore votes and broke all hitherto records of similar talent shows. Out of the total votes of seven crore, the lad bagged five crore votes and amazed the world. Members of the civil society in Sikkim, Darjeeling Hills and Siliguri are still celebrating the victory of Prashant. Conversely, the unexpected violence in Siliguri on 28th September was uncalled for and is deeply regretted.
Now that the programme has come to an end it becomes important to reflect on the critical assessments of this popular talent show that has been taking place among the academics, journalists, veteran bollyhood singers and such other personalities. This piece, therefore, briefly attempts to synthesise some of the recent debates that have taken place in the context of Sony Television’s ‘Project of Indian Idol’ and similar other musical talent shows.
First, in the context of Prashant’s case, local critics have once again interpreted the hysterical support for the boy in Darjeeling-Sikkim as a form of communal orgy. They have attempted to fit the Prashant phenomenon into the never ending Nepali Nationalist Discourse within India. They have further attempted to link Prashant phenomenon with the issue of Nepali Identity. According to them, Nepalis have historically been emptied of all other meanings and have been leftover as a ‘Martial Race’. Hence they argue the participation of Prashant in the musical talent show at once acquired a political meaning. In short, Nepali community in India saw in Prashant a unique opportunity to address several historical problems, notably the issue of identity and therefore positioned him as a solution to the problem.
Secondly, not a single political party or any personality (Except GNLF and Subash Ghising) could mobilize the members of civil society in Darjeeling Hills over the years as Prashant Phenomenon did. People in Darjeeling hills were so deeply involved and emotionally charged with the Prashant Phenomenon they openly warned Subash Ghising that he would be sent back from Bagdogra Airport [incidentally Ghishing had gone to Thailand then and was suppose to return back on 23rd September] on the 23rd of September if Prashant failed to emerge victorious in the grand finale. Such a situation has provided enough points to the critics to project the future of Subash Ghising and his GNLF. According to them, there is high possibility that the Prashant factor, if not his political rivals, would be a major cause for the downfall of Subash Ghising in the near future.
Thirdly, at the broader level veteran, singers like Lata Mangeskar are not at ease with such musical talent shows. According to them, such shows are a commercial propositions rather than serious talent hunts. Such shows are the off-shoots of highly commercialised and globalised world. One can hardly imagine the total amount of money Sony TV might have made out of its SMS dependent musical show. Its monetary share in each SMS, the advertisements in between the programme, sponsorships etc fetched Sony several hundred crores of rupees. On the other side of the coin the emotional viewers of the show, especially the regions to which the participants belonged, washed away several tons of money. At the end of the day the winner of the show gets one crore rupees contract to develop an album. S/he, however, would hardly be seen on Sony TV again. Many see such talent shows as the extreme form of capitalism.
Fourthly, majority of the known Hindi film personalities believe that most of the stars of the recent musical talent shows are media created celebrities. The moment the spotlight shifts away from them they disappear. There are copious instances when the winners of such shows, including Indian Idol, have not made much headway after the initial breaks. Winners of the musical talent shows like Amit Sana, Abhijeet Sawant, Debojit Saha etc. are all struggling to sell their self-produced album. Their 15 minutes of fame evaporated quickly. They are the reminder that such success can be ephemeral, unless backed by genuine talent and discipline. Few of them like Sunidhi Chauhan that have tested success in Bollyhood are by and large the exceptions. These talent hunt shows only provide them with a platform. They cannot become a star singer overnight. They have to ignite their own light to get out of the darkness.
The challenges ahead for Prashant are hence numerous. He has to prove several of his critics wrong. He was never among the favorites of the judges and viewers of mainstream India. There were hardly any mainstream Indians who expected him to be the Indian Idol. He has to sustain there for long and show the world that he deserved the popular crown. More importantly, he has to carry along with him huge expectations and several tons of love of his fellow brothers and sisters back home in Darjeeling-Sikkim. He, according to my friend and a promising scholar, Bidhan Golay, sits on the edge of history. Whatever he speaks today is taken as message by his fans and well wishers back home and his every action will seriously be taken and scrutinized by the critics. Prashant is not only a singer for the community/region to which he belongs but a hero and a figure of historical importance. He should take stock of all these critical factors and proceed ahead cautiously to conquer the musical world.
**Published by Sikkim Express, October 2, 2007**
Now that the programme has come to an end it becomes important to reflect on the critical assessments of this popular talent show that has been taking place among the academics, journalists, veteran bollyhood singers and such other personalities. This piece, therefore, briefly attempts to synthesise some of the recent debates that have taken place in the context of Sony Television’s ‘Project of Indian Idol’ and similar other musical talent shows.
First, in the context of Prashant’s case, local critics have once again interpreted the hysterical support for the boy in Darjeeling-Sikkim as a form of communal orgy. They have attempted to fit the Prashant phenomenon into the never ending Nepali Nationalist Discourse within India. They have further attempted to link Prashant phenomenon with the issue of Nepali Identity. According to them, Nepalis have historically been emptied of all other meanings and have been leftover as a ‘Martial Race’. Hence they argue the participation of Prashant in the musical talent show at once acquired a political meaning. In short, Nepali community in India saw in Prashant a unique opportunity to address several historical problems, notably the issue of identity and therefore positioned him as a solution to the problem.
Secondly, not a single political party or any personality (Except GNLF and Subash Ghising) could mobilize the members of civil society in Darjeeling Hills over the years as Prashant Phenomenon did. People in Darjeeling hills were so deeply involved and emotionally charged with the Prashant Phenomenon they openly warned Subash Ghising that he would be sent back from Bagdogra Airport [incidentally Ghishing had gone to Thailand then and was suppose to return back on 23rd September] on the 23rd of September if Prashant failed to emerge victorious in the grand finale. Such a situation has provided enough points to the critics to project the future of Subash Ghising and his GNLF. According to them, there is high possibility that the Prashant factor, if not his political rivals, would be a major cause for the downfall of Subash Ghising in the near future.
Thirdly, at the broader level veteran, singers like Lata Mangeskar are not at ease with such musical talent shows. According to them, such shows are a commercial propositions rather than serious talent hunts. Such shows are the off-shoots of highly commercialised and globalised world. One can hardly imagine the total amount of money Sony TV might have made out of its SMS dependent musical show. Its monetary share in each SMS, the advertisements in between the programme, sponsorships etc fetched Sony several hundred crores of rupees. On the other side of the coin the emotional viewers of the show, especially the regions to which the participants belonged, washed away several tons of money. At the end of the day the winner of the show gets one crore rupees contract to develop an album. S/he, however, would hardly be seen on Sony TV again. Many see such talent shows as the extreme form of capitalism.
Fourthly, majority of the known Hindi film personalities believe that most of the stars of the recent musical talent shows are media created celebrities. The moment the spotlight shifts away from them they disappear. There are copious instances when the winners of such shows, including Indian Idol, have not made much headway after the initial breaks. Winners of the musical talent shows like Amit Sana, Abhijeet Sawant, Debojit Saha etc. are all struggling to sell their self-produced album. Their 15 minutes of fame evaporated quickly. They are the reminder that such success can be ephemeral, unless backed by genuine talent and discipline. Few of them like Sunidhi Chauhan that have tested success in Bollyhood are by and large the exceptions. These talent hunt shows only provide them with a platform. They cannot become a star singer overnight. They have to ignite their own light to get out of the darkness.
The challenges ahead for Prashant are hence numerous. He has to prove several of his critics wrong. He was never among the favorites of the judges and viewers of mainstream India. There were hardly any mainstream Indians who expected him to be the Indian Idol. He has to sustain there for long and show the world that he deserved the popular crown. More importantly, he has to carry along with him huge expectations and several tons of love of his fellow brothers and sisters back home in Darjeeling-Sikkim. He, according to my friend and a promising scholar, Bidhan Golay, sits on the edge of history. Whatever he speaks today is taken as message by his fans and well wishers back home and his every action will seriously be taken and scrutinized by the critics. Prashant is not only a singer for the community/region to which he belongs but a hero and a figure of historical importance. He should take stock of all these critical factors and proceed ahead cautiously to conquer the musical world.
**Published by Sikkim Express, October 2, 2007**
PROF. LAMA’S APPOINTMENT AS SIKKIM VARSITY VC AND THE RESULTANT CONTROVERSY
Sikkim, one of the fastest developing states of India, is in the process of establishing a new central university. This is a fruit of long and untiring hard-work of none other than two visionary personalities- Mr. Pawan Chamling and Professor Mahendra P. Lama. They have been the two shoulders of Sikkim guiding and directing the state towards the path of sustained human development. No other politicians or academicians in the region had/have the vision and capability to even think of such an institution let along establishing it in the state.
Having said that, it is important to clarify the larger public on the ongoing controversy with respect to the appointment of Prof. Lama as the first Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University and his alleged association with the ruling SDF. Questions with regard to the availability of the potential VC locally also need adequate debate. Debate with respect to Prof. Lama’s appointment as a first VC of the upcoming university in Sikkim, his political association, the necessity of the VC to be apolitical and such other doubts were first raised by Dr. S.D. Subba, if not others. Hence, we also need to ponder upon the credibility of Dr. Subba’s statements and his political aspirations.
First, Dr. Lama has been advising on the economic development of Sikkim since the Chief Minister-ship of Mr. Bhandari. Hence, he is associated with different ruling political parties of the state not as their ally but as an economic expert. He is a thorough and seasoned professional and has little interest on the ideology of a particular political party in Sikkim. Further, he was never desperate to occupy the VC’s seat in the upcoming Sikkim University. Long before his appointment as VC in the upcoming university of Sikkim, he was invited by a number of already established universities in Northeast India to serve as VC. He, however, declined to join them. He could not decline the offer to occupy the highest seat in the upcoming university in Sikkim due to a number of reasons. Firstly, he along with Mr. Chamling has spent many sleepless nights to bring a Central University in the region. Secondly, his inborn love for Darjeeling and Sikkim was another important factor in this regard. Darjeeling, as we all know, is in a reign of terror as of today. It is heading towards the opposite direction and soon will reach a Neolithic stage in the times to come. There is no scope for development; neither there are any interests among the local politicians to develop Darjeeling. The situation in Sikkim is very conducive. The peaceful situation and farsighted Chief Minister of the state provides enough rationale to develop Sikkim into a world class place with similar infrastructural facilities. And that is what Dr. Lama wants to do. He wants to build an institution of global quality; a university that will cater not only to Sikkim but to the larger mountain communities of Eastern Himalayas and beyond. The benchmark here is a university of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru University and not NBU. Hence, his perspective is much larger; it is beyond the understanding of local critics.
Second, the debate with respect the son of the soil policy in the context of Sikkim University also needs deliberation. Sikkim University is a centrally funded university with limited stake of the state government. Accordingly, the top level positions, including the faculties, will be appointed by the government of India on the basis of merit. The consent of President and Prime Minister of India is necessary for the appointment of the VC in any university. Further, VC is largely an administrative post. A mere academician with PhD is not enough to qualify for the post. The potential VC besides being a scholar also needs to be a visionary and diplomat with strong knack of administrative skills. S/he should adequately know when, how and why to act on a particular situation. It is here Prof. Lama scores over other local academicians both from Sikkim and Darjeeling. The government of India has rightly identified Prof. Lama to lead and nurture the new central university in Sikkim. He has a global exposure and also is well aware of the local situation. We are talking here about an institution with international reputation. It’s not a government college, it’s a central university.
Third, question with regard to the necessassity of VC to apolitical have to be talked about. As far as I understand, the appointment of VC is largely political in nature. It has to be debated and agreed upon by the politicians in the union cabinet chaired by the PM. Subsequently, it has to be consented by the President of India. The state government can only recommend if there are any potential local candidate(s). Former President of India Mr. K.R. Narayanan served as a Vice Chancellor of JNU. There are examples where former ambassadors or senior union civil servants have been appointed as the VCs of the universities. Former Union Minister Prof. Y. K. Alag also served as the VC of JNU. This, however, does not mean all VCs are political men. What counts at the end of the day is merit and credibility. There are examples of outstanding scholars in the country who have been backed by the cabinet and appointed as VCs. Prof. Lama falls in the second category. Hence, the local critics should carefully understand the processes and situations under which a particular scholar is appointed as a VC.
Lastly, we need to ask ourselves few questions and seek the answers. Who is S.D. Subba?, what is his credibility as a responsible citizen of Sikkim?, What has he done for the development of Sikkim over the years.?, Is he qualified enough to comment on the appointment of VC in the upcoming central university of Sikkim? How authentic is he and his statements?, What is his intention and what are his political aspirations. I leave it to the public to do research for the answers to the above questions. I do not know much about Dr. Subba. What I only know about him is the fact that he is a medical graduate and he aspires to be the CM of Sikkim one day. I guess much of the answers to the questions raised are located somewhere between last two lines.
**Published by Sikkim Express, July 17, 2007**
Having said that, it is important to clarify the larger public on the ongoing controversy with respect to the appointment of Prof. Lama as the first Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University and his alleged association with the ruling SDF. Questions with regard to the availability of the potential VC locally also need adequate debate. Debate with respect to Prof. Lama’s appointment as a first VC of the upcoming university in Sikkim, his political association, the necessity of the VC to be apolitical and such other doubts were first raised by Dr. S.D. Subba, if not others. Hence, we also need to ponder upon the credibility of Dr. Subba’s statements and his political aspirations.
First, Dr. Lama has been advising on the economic development of Sikkim since the Chief Minister-ship of Mr. Bhandari. Hence, he is associated with different ruling political parties of the state not as their ally but as an economic expert. He is a thorough and seasoned professional and has little interest on the ideology of a particular political party in Sikkim. Further, he was never desperate to occupy the VC’s seat in the upcoming Sikkim University. Long before his appointment as VC in the upcoming university of Sikkim, he was invited by a number of already established universities in Northeast India to serve as VC. He, however, declined to join them. He could not decline the offer to occupy the highest seat in the upcoming university in Sikkim due to a number of reasons. Firstly, he along with Mr. Chamling has spent many sleepless nights to bring a Central University in the region. Secondly, his inborn love for Darjeeling and Sikkim was another important factor in this regard. Darjeeling, as we all know, is in a reign of terror as of today. It is heading towards the opposite direction and soon will reach a Neolithic stage in the times to come. There is no scope for development; neither there are any interests among the local politicians to develop Darjeeling. The situation in Sikkim is very conducive. The peaceful situation and farsighted Chief Minister of the state provides enough rationale to develop Sikkim into a world class place with similar infrastructural facilities. And that is what Dr. Lama wants to do. He wants to build an institution of global quality; a university that will cater not only to Sikkim but to the larger mountain communities of Eastern Himalayas and beyond. The benchmark here is a university of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru University and not NBU. Hence, his perspective is much larger; it is beyond the understanding of local critics.
Second, the debate with respect the son of the soil policy in the context of Sikkim University also needs deliberation. Sikkim University is a centrally funded university with limited stake of the state government. Accordingly, the top level positions, including the faculties, will be appointed by the government of India on the basis of merit. The consent of President and Prime Minister of India is necessary for the appointment of the VC in any university. Further, VC is largely an administrative post. A mere academician with PhD is not enough to qualify for the post. The potential VC besides being a scholar also needs to be a visionary and diplomat with strong knack of administrative skills. S/he should adequately know when, how and why to act on a particular situation. It is here Prof. Lama scores over other local academicians both from Sikkim and Darjeeling. The government of India has rightly identified Prof. Lama to lead and nurture the new central university in Sikkim. He has a global exposure and also is well aware of the local situation. We are talking here about an institution with international reputation. It’s not a government college, it’s a central university.
Third, question with regard to the necessassity of VC to apolitical have to be talked about. As far as I understand, the appointment of VC is largely political in nature. It has to be debated and agreed upon by the politicians in the union cabinet chaired by the PM. Subsequently, it has to be consented by the President of India. The state government can only recommend if there are any potential local candidate(s). Former President of India Mr. K.R. Narayanan served as a Vice Chancellor of JNU. There are examples where former ambassadors or senior union civil servants have been appointed as the VCs of the universities. Former Union Minister Prof. Y. K. Alag also served as the VC of JNU. This, however, does not mean all VCs are political men. What counts at the end of the day is merit and credibility. There are examples of outstanding scholars in the country who have been backed by the cabinet and appointed as VCs. Prof. Lama falls in the second category. Hence, the local critics should carefully understand the processes and situations under which a particular scholar is appointed as a VC.
Lastly, we need to ask ourselves few questions and seek the answers. Who is S.D. Subba?, what is his credibility as a responsible citizen of Sikkim?, What has he done for the development of Sikkim over the years.?, Is he qualified enough to comment on the appointment of VC in the upcoming central university of Sikkim? How authentic is he and his statements?, What is his intention and what are his political aspirations. I leave it to the public to do research for the answers to the above questions. I do not know much about Dr. Subba. What I only know about him is the fact that he is a medical graduate and he aspires to be the CM of Sikkim one day. I guess much of the answers to the questions raised are located somewhere between last two lines.
**Published by Sikkim Express, July 17, 2007**
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